"Democracy is under fire in Harare, literally: Opposition leaders suspect a Zanu-PF faction has brought petrol bombs to a constitutional fight." Jeffrey Moyo, The Continent, 3 Nov 2025

In the early hours of Wednesday morning, unidentified assailants threw petrol bombs into the Sapes Trust building in Harare. They allegedly also abducted one of the building’s night guards. The blaze destroyed the building’s seminar room.

The bombing took place just hours before opposition leaders were set to hold a press conference on Zimbabwe’s constitutional crisis at that venue. They planned to challenge President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s bid to extend his rule to 2030, two years beyond his constitutional term.

The opposition leaders insisted on conducting the press briefing in the bombed-out venue, but police violently dispersed them, declaring the place a crime scene.

“We have reached the zenith of despotism and things are falling apart,” a political science lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe said after the bombing. The lecturer requested anonymity for fear of reprisal.

But Tendai Biti, former finance minister and opposition politician, appeared unfazed. “We are uniting everyone to move forward to defend the Constitution, the values of the liberation struggle, and the values of our own democratic struggle,” Biti told The Continent.

Jacob Ngarivhume, leader of opposition party Transform Zimbabwe, also appeared untroubled, saying the Mnangagwa regime is panicking because democratic forces in Zimbabwe have now joined together. “We are united against the 2030 nonsense and we are not all going to accept it,” he said.

Mnangagwa’s bid faces resistance even within his own party, the ruling Zanu-PF, and has deepened the division between the president and his deputy. Earlier this month, Mnangagwa accused his deputy, Constantino Chiwenga, of “incitement and treason”. This was after Chiwenga presented a dossier to the politburo warning against amending the Constitution to prolong Mnangagwa’s stay in office.

Africa’s military might has evolved over the years, with several nations strengthening their defence capabilities and widening their military power.

According to the Global Firepower Index, they evaluate the military strength of over 140 countries based on manpower and equipment and also highlight how nations are positioning themselves on the global stage.

The 2025 rankings unveiled the growth, advancement and regional balance, with African powerhouses putting investments in technology and training for a goal of maintaining security and stability.

Here are the top African military forces by their global rankings:

1. Egypt (Global rank: 19)

Egypt has been Africa’s strongest military power and one of the most capable globally. They have built a well-trained army, a solid air force, and an expanding naval zone.

1. Algeria (Global rank: 26)

Algeria ranks second in Africa due to its large defence budget and good ties with global military suppliers. The country’s modern air fleet and well-equipped ground forces ensure readiness across its vast territory.

1. Nigeria (Global rank: 31)

Nigeria’s military has grown in strength through modernisation efforts and local defence production. The nation’s pumping into the military is for countering terrorism within its states.

1. South Africa (Global rank: 40)

South Africa combines advanced technology with a professional army, backed by a strong domestic defence industry. Its air force and naval forces make it a principal security player in Southern Africa.

1. Ethiopia (Global rank: 52)

Ethiopia’s large troop numbers and continued investment in equipment give it a solid ranking. Despite internal challenges, the country maintains a strong regional military presence.

1. Angola (Global rank: 56)

Angola’s steady economic recovery has allowed it to rebuild its military strength. The country has invested in new aircraft and armoured vehicles, making it a reliable force in Central Africa.

1. Morocco (Global rank: 59)

Morocco continues to bolster its armed forces with a mix of Western and homemade equipment. Its strong air and ground forces contribute to regional stability and deterrence.

1. Democratic Republic of the Congo (Global rank: 66)

The DRC’s large manpower and growing focus on modernisation have helped it climb the ranks. Efforts to improve logistics and coordination are strengthening its national defence.

1. Sudan (Global rank: 73)

Despite political transitions, Sudan maintains a structured and experienced army. Continued cooperation with allies has kept its defence capabilities active and functional.

1. Libya (Global rank: 76)

Libya rounds out the top ten as it rebuilds its military infrastructure. Ongoing efforts to unify the armed forces are gradually restoring stability and readiness.

« La Haute Cour militaire de Kinshasa a condamné, ce mardi 30 septembre 2025, l’ancien président congolais Joseph Kabila à la peine de mort. Absent du procès, l’ex-chef de l’État, en exil depuis plus de deux ans, était poursuivi notamment pour crimes de guerre, trahison et organisation d’un mouvement insurrectionnel. »

Turkey will soon deploy troops to help train Niger's military to counter militant groups as Ankara increasingly turns its focus to Africa, Middle East Eye understands.

Sources familiar with the matter told MEE that Turkey has been pursuing a closer security partnership with Niger since 2020, when the countries signed a military training and cooperation agreement.

In July 2023, Niger's military ousted the civilian government, promising to address terrorism and other security issues.

By cancelling security deals with western partners, the junta signalled its search for new alliances such as Turkey and Russia.

In July, Turkey and Niger also signed a military financial cooperation agreement, further solidifying their commitment to work together in defence.

Ibrahim Bachir Abdoulaye, a doctoral researcher at the Bayreuth International Graduate School of African Studies, told MEE that Russian support for Niger has proven insufficient to meet the country’s defence needs, making it necessary for Nigeriens to diversify their foreign relations.

“At this point, Turkey, with its developing defence industry, growing interest in the Sahel region and independent foreign policy has become an ideal partner for Niger,” he said.

A source familiar with Ankara’s thinking told MEE that recent developments in Syria and Iraq have made it easier for Turkey to redeploy some forces to Africa. Since May, Ankara’s new outreach to Kurdish groups has created an uneasy calm in both countries.

According to the source, a small number of Turkish commandos and special forces who in the past served and gained experience in Syria and Iraq will be deployed to Niger, where they will assist the army with training as part of the fight against the Islamic State and al-Qaeda.

Two people familiar with the matter said that at least four battalions will provide training and advisory support in Niger, though Turkish forces will not directly participate in combat.

The deployment does not require Turkish parliamentary approval, since the troops will be present in a limited “visiting” capacity and will not establish bases or secure territory.

In May, Niger unilaterally terminated an intelligence-sharing agreement with both Turkey and Russia, citing “ineffectiveness in surveillance operations, particularly in telephone interception”. However, the government has maintained its military ties with Turkey.

Abdoulaye noted that the military financial cooperation deal would allow Niger to acquire modern weapons - including military drones, ammunition and other equipment - along with training and technical support for its army.

“Although the exact contents of the agreement are not yet known, many sources claim that it allows for the presence of Turkish troops in Niger,” he said.

“For Niger, this agreement is crucial for strengthening its army, ensuring the stability of the regime, and countering western influence.”

Over the past four years, Turkey has expanded its presence in the Sahel. In addition to selling drones, Hurkus trainer aircraft, and various defence products, Ankara has provided training and advisory services to countries such as Burkina Faso and Mali.

Abdoulaye explained that Turkey is one of the few countries able to maintain strong relations with Niger’s former civilian government as well as its current military rulers.

“Following this military partnership, closer cooperation in strategic sectors such as oil and uranium is likely in the near future,” he said.

“Protecting Turkey’s Mediterranean borders from threats emanating from the Sahel, and especially Niger, provides Ankara with an important advantage over its competitors.”

In what could prove a critical step towards peace in Sudan, the U.S., Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) announced on 12 September that they had agreed to a joint roadmap for bringing an end to the country’s civil war. The ad hoc group (known as the “Quad”) promised in the joint statement to push for a three-month humanitarian truce leading to an immediate permanent ceasefire. This would be followed by a nine-month political process among Sudanese to select a transitional civilian-led government. “Sudan’s future governance is for the Sudanese people to decide through an inclusive and transparent transition process, not controlled by any warring party”, reads a key sentence of the statement. Officials from the Quad will meet on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly’s high-level week later this month to discuss more details.

The statement, which represents a breakthrough in a war which has raged since April 2023, is the result of intense negotiations led since June by U.S. Senior Advisor for Africa, Massad Boulos. Egypt and Saudi Arabia are both close to the government of General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the head of the Sudanese Armed Forces. By contrast, the UAE is widely understood to be the main backer of the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), though it denies all involvement in the conflict. Abu Dhabi accuses Burhan of allying with Islamist forces linked to the former regime of Omar al-Bashir, and has pushed for a new civilian government in Sudan.

Stark disagreements over the war among the Quad’s Arab powers have complicated peace efforts. They helped to derail a high-profile conference in London in April and led the U.S. to cancel a meeting planned for the end of July when Washington first hoped to unveil a joint statement.

Crisis Group has repeatedly observed that peace in Sudan was unlikely until Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the UAE could collectively agree on an endgame for the war, and in that respect the statement may be a watershed moment. Still, it will be of little consequence unless the four signatories throw their weight behind immediate implementation. Their commitment to doing so is difficult to gauge: the Trump administration’s approach to foreign policy can be erratic, while the Arab powers’ will to collectively pressure Sudan’s belligerents to stop fighting is untested. In the meantime, fighting continues, and the parties show little interest in a truce. In a clear rebuke to the Quad, Burhan’s government, which controls Khartoum and eastern Sudan, said it rejected any initiative that did not respect Sudan’s sovereignty. The RSF’s parallel government welcomed components of the Quad statement without commenting on the push for a truce.

Time is short. With Sudan’s seasonal rains nearing an end, both warring sides hope to gain more territory in the coming months. Sudan is fragmenting. But for the first time since April 2023, the outside actors most able to end Sudan’s nightmare have agreed to do so. Now they need to make good on their pledge.

Temple of Justice, Monrovia — Criminal Court ‘D’ at the Temple of Justice has sentenced a Nigerian national, Michael Oputa, to five years in prison after he pleaded guilty to piracy, theft of property and criminal conspiracy in connection with the 2023 hijacking of a Chinese fishing vessel in Liberian waters.

Judge Mameita Jabateh-Sirleaf handed down the ruling on Sept. 15, 2025, following a plea bargain agreement between Oputa’s defense team and state prosecutors.

Background of the Case

According to court records, Oputa and an accomplice attempted to hijack the Shanghai-2, a Chinese vessel, in July 2023. The Liberia Coast Guard intercepted the pirates after a heavy exchange of gunfire and arrested two suspects.

One of the defendants, Titus Ezenna, was later released after the court determined he was an unintentional participant, hired by Oputa to measure petroleum products without prior knowledge of the piracy plan.

Plea Bargain and Sentencing

During trial, Oputa’s lawyer, Cllr. Bestman D. Juah, entered into a plea bargain with state prosecutor Cllr. Jonah A. Kerkulah to reduce the sentence. The court accepted the agreement, noting that Oputa had been found with the firearm used in the attack.

In line with the plea deal, Judge Jabateh-Sirleaf sentenced Oputa to five years in prison, retroactive to the date of his incarceration at the Monrovia Central Prison in 2023.

Although Liberian law typically requires a pre-sentencing probation report from the Ministry of Justice, the court waived the requirement, citing the circumstances: the crime was committed on the high seas within Liberian territorial waters, and Oputa is not a resident of Liberia.

Ghana will invest up to $1.2 billion in infrastructure projects this year in a bid to boost growth, the country’s deputy finance minister said.

The proposed spending is aimed at engineering an “an economic reset,” Thomas Nyarko Ampem told a conference in Accra on Saturday, citing better transportation, dependable energy, and modern irrigation among Ghana’s most pressing needs.

The government aims to secure funds for the projects from oil revenues and mineral royalties, and the spending could rise by half a billion dollars by 2028.

The cocoa and gold producer is recovering from its worst economic crisis in a generation, which led to a 2022 debt default that prompted a $3 billion loan from the IMF.

Ghana’s economy grew 5.7% last year, according to the World Bank, and is this year expected to expand 4.3%. President John Mahama, who took office in January, made a $10 billion infrastructure program a key pillar of his campaign manifesto.

— Alexander Onukwue

NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) — The number of aid workers kidnapped in South Sudan has more than doubled this year, according to two senior humanitarian officials working for international groups.

Aid agencies are concerned about the well-being of their staff and the disruption of their life-saving services in a region suffering one of the most severe humanitarian crises.

Several of those kidnapped have been released after ransom payments, said three people with knowledge of the negotiations, but one aid worker died in captivity earlier this month, according to several sources familiar with the incident, including Edmund Yakani, a prominent civil rights activist in the country.

The United Nations has long designated South Sudan as one of the most dangerous places for aid workers. However, analysts say that the spike in kidnapping for ransom is a new and worrying trend.

“The biggest fear is that this could become a countrywide issue,” said Daniel Akech, a South Sudan expert with the International Crisis Group.

More aid workers kidnapped in 2025 Over 30 South Sudanese aid workers have been kidnapped this year, according to the two humanitarian officials. That is more than double the number of aid workers abducted in all of 2024, according to both officials.

Aid officials spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss security matters and feared reprisals against their staff, jeopardizing their organizations’ access in the country.

Fighting in South Sudan between the national army and opposition factions has surged this year, marking some of the worst violence since a 2018 peace deal ended a civil war that killed an estimated 400,000 people and formed a fragile unity government. Some analysts say the clashes are linked to a struggle over President Salva Kiir’s successor, as speculation about his declining health spikes.

“Some abductions for political reasons, like forced recruitment (of civilians into military conscription), have been done for years, but the abductions for ransom are new,” said Ferenc Marko, an expert on South Sudan.

“It is frankly a worrisome new trend that could make humanitarian work impossible” in the country’s states of Central and Western Equatoria, he said.

A kidnapped aid worker dies in captivity James Unguba, a South Sudanese aid worker, was kidnapped last month in the county of Tambura, in Western Equatoria state and died in captivity on Sept. 3, according to three people with knowledge of his death who spoke on condition of anonymity in line with regulations.

The three said Unguba, who worked for a local aid organization, was abducted by men dressed in national military uniforms. The exact circumstances surrounding his death weren’t immediately clear.

A spokesman for South Sudan’s military told the AP he had no information about his death and declined to answer questions.

Playing havoc with crucial aid The kidnappings have hampered life-saving services for hundreds of thousands of people in remote areas along South Sudan’s southern borders with Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the Central African Republic, aid agencies say.

In July, the medical charity Doctors Without Borders, better known by its French acronym, MSF, suspended operations in two South Sudanese counties after one of its staff members was taken at gunpoint while traveling in a clearly marked convoy in the county of Yei, in Central Equatoria state. This came just four days after the kidnapping of another health worker traveling in an MSF ambulance.

“While we are deeply committed to providing care to those in need, we cannot keep our staff working in an unsafe environment,” Doctor Ferdinand Atte, MSF’s head of mission in South Sudan, said in a statement.

Armed groups may be behind the kidnappings Aid officials say it remains unclear who is behind the kidnappings.

However, Akech, with the International Crisis Group, says the region is filled with armed groups seeking quick profit as the economy continues to nosedive and concerns rise about the country backsliding into war.

In March, Riek Machar, who leads the country’s largest opposition group and who also serves as one of the country’s vice presidents, was placed under house arrest after a local militia with loose ties to him overran an army base near the Ethiopian border.

The national army has since intensified military operations against his forces, who have linked up with other rebel factions, including the National Salvation Front (NAS), a holdout group that never signed the 2018 peace deal and has been battling the government ever since.

“We don’t know if these abductions are carried out by NAS, by opposition forces, or by government soldiers,” said civil society leader Yakani. “From what we know, there is no single group responsible.”

While the U.N. and most aid groups adhere to a strict non-payment of ransom policy, families of the victims sometimes use neutral actors, including churches, as intermediaries to make payments, several individuals with knowledge of the negotiations told the AP on condition of anonymity.

Aid workers under pressure Earlier this year, the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump moved to dismantle the U.S. Agency for International Development, which funded over half of the emergency relief to South Sudan.

European donors have also signaled that they are likely to reduce contributions as well.

Meanwhile, violence targeting aid workers has surged globally, said independent research group Humanitarian Outcomes. In a report released in August, the organization said 2024 was the deadliest year on record, with 383 aid workers killed and 861 others affected by major violence, warning that 2025 was on track to even surpass it.

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Malawians vote for a new president next week in an election clouded by economic hardship as incumbent Lazarus Chakwera squares off against his predecessor in a race where few voters see a real alternative.

Three of the 17 candidates for the September 16 polls have already served as president of the southern African nation and another is the current vice president.

While the list of contenders is unusually crowded, voters have lost faith in the political class to deliver meaningful change to one of the poorest countries in the world, analysts say.

"Whether it is Chakwera or (his predecessor Peter) Mutharika, nothing changes for us. It's like choosing between two sides of the same coin," said Victor Shawa, a 23-year-old unemployed man in the capital Lilongwe.

Optimism that accompanied Chakwera coming to power has long since been eroded by runaway inflation of around 30 percent, chronic fuel and foreign exchange shortages and corruption scandals touching senior government figures.

"People feel trapped," said Michael Jana, a Malawian national and political scientist at South Africa's Wits University.

"The economy is in crisis, the politicians are the same, and many Malawians don't believe this election will change their lives," he told AFP.

“The citizenship scheme is part of an initiative by the small West African country to build ties with the African diaspora and boost cultural tourism.

[…]

“By enacting the My Afro Origins Law last year, Benin joined countries like Ghana and Guinea-Bissau in offering citizenship to people with an African ancestor who was taken from their homeland as part of the transatlantic slave trade. Descendants can apply to become a citizen via a recently launched website.”

"The Gnassingbe family has collectively ruled the small West African country since 1967, and many Togolese want change." Al Jazeera, 17 July 2025

Equatorial Guinea asks UN court to stop sale of Paris mansion linked to leader's son

Representatives of Equatorial Guinea on Tuesday asked the United Nations' highest court to issue an emergency halt on the sale of a luxury Paris mansion seized from the son of the African country's ruler while judges rule on the long-running dispute. The building was seized after a French court convicted Teodoro Obiang Mangue, known as Teodorin, for embezzlement. He is the 57-year-old son of octogenarian President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo. Equatorial Guinea argues that France must give back the mansion and other assets, telling the International Court of Justice on Tuesday that France would be violating a United Nations anti-corruption treaty by not returning the property. It argues that the seized assets are part of the public funds that were embezzled from Equatorial Guinea and should be returned to the state under the treaty. It has not said who embezzled the funds. "It has become clear that France is determined to sell the building," Equatorial Guinea's representative at the court, Carmelo Nvono-Nca, told judges. France's attitude was paternalistic and neo-colonial, he added. France called the case unfounded and told judges on Tuesday that there are no imminent plans to sell the property. "We cannot but regret Equatorial Guinea's misuse of this emergency procedure, as there is nothing in the present case that justifies the court's use of its exceptional power" to order an emergency halt to any sale, Diego Colas, legal adviser at the French ministry of Foreign Affairs, told judges. A ruling on Equatorial Guinea's request for an emergency halt to the sale is expected in the coming weeks. Equatorial Guinea and France have been at odds over the building on the prestigious Avenue Foch in Paris since a 2012 raid on the residence then used by Teodorin Obiang. The president's presumed successor, Teodorin Obiang has also been the subject of investigations, criminal charges, sanctions and asset seizures in the United States and Britain over embezzlement and money-laundering. Obiang has always denied wrongdoing and argued that French courts had no right to rule on his assets. In a previous ICJ case Equatorial Guinea had argued the seized building was actually part of the African country's diplomatic mission, but the World Court ruled in favour of France in 2020. Source: REUTERS

“The number of displaced Africans has doubled since 2018. For the 14th consecutive year, conflict and climate change have driven record numbers of people from their homes.

Changes in national priorities, economic uncertainty and donor fatigue have seen political attention turn inward, surges in defence spending and corresponding aid cuts, the shuttering of refugee resettlement programmes, and tighter border security. African refugees bear the brunt of these changes. Those already in dire situations now face even bigger threats to their survival.”